![]() |
|||||||||||||||
|
|
Articles by Dr. Shiva
On Being Indian: Globalization, Bharateeyata And HindutvaWhat does it
mean to be Indian today? And who is defending our indigenous identity? 2002 witnessed
the total messing up of the Indian identity. On the one hand we saw "Hindutva"
in ascendancy justifying rapes and massacres of fellow Indians. On the
other we read our Prime Minister's Panaji musings suggesting that "Hindutva"
was the same as Bharteeyata -- Indianness in all its diversity and multiplicity.
The Prime Minister
wrote that Hindutva was an all inclusive view, synonymous with Bharateeyata
(Indianness): Both
affirm that India belongs to all and all belong to India. It means that
all Indians have equal rights and equal responsibilities. It entails
recognition of one common national culture, which is enriched by all religious
and non-religious traditions. However, the
genocide of Gujarat was based on a politics of exclusion, not an inclusive
Indianness. And while a
political agenda is being shaped around the category of Indianness --
everything that makes India India and Indians Indians is being wiped out
by the economic agendas set by corporate globalization. While Bharteeyata
and Swadeshi provides ground for resistance to globalization, 'Hindutva"
is in fact supporting globalization. Both Indian
and Hindu are "geographical indicators" -- they are the name
given to us by those who came from outside, especially the west -- we
lived in the land beyond the Indus -- "Industan", we were all
"Industanis" -- All of us -- the Ho, he Gonds, the Bhils, the
Christians, the Muslims, all the tribes, all the religions, all the races.
Our land was also called "India, within the Ganges" -- "India
intra Gangem" was the Latin used by Europeans for many centuries.
This was the name used in Ptolemy's Geographia, published in Rome in 1490.
The first time the Persian name "Indostan" was used in a European
map was in Gastaldis map of Asia, 1561. Along the way,
the Arabic pronunciation became dominant, and India became "Hindustan",
all its inhabitants became "Hindu" sharing a land not
a faith. Hindu is a regional identity, not a religious identity, it is
an identity of place, rooted in the land, its rivers its mountains, its
vegetation, its food cultures, its clothing, its housing, its languages,
its manners. While these are as varied as the land is varied, they also
interconnected through the larger geographical sense of place -- of being
Indian, of belonging to the land beyond the Indus, within the Ganges.
The word "Hinduism" has no ancient reference. It was a geographical
term mutated into a religious definition during British colonialism. As
Francois Gautier states, Let's
say it right away: there are no Hindus... This word was invented by European
colonizers to designate a people which lived in the valley of the Indus.
The exact appellation should be "Indu",
a term which was actually used for centuries by outsiders, to name
all India's inhabitants, be they Muslims, Christians, Buddhists or Hindus.
But when Indus became Hindus at the hands of western colonizers, it grew to be a source
of confusion and had catastrophic consequences for Indian history: it
brought indirectly the terrible partition of the subcontinent and is partly
responsible today for the inter-religious strife in India. When Babur
(1483-1530) the first Moghul emperor came to India and defeated the Afghan
Muslim Lodi who then ruled the Delhi based kingdom in the famous battle
of Panipat in 1526, it was the diversity of the land beyond the Indus
that impressed him most. Hindustan
is of the first climate, the second climate and the third climate; of
the fourth climate it has none.
Once
the water of Sind is crossed, everything is in the Hindustan wayland,
water, tree, rock, people and horde, opinion and custom. Diversity for
Babur was the Hindustan way. And Hindustan was associated with a region,
not a religion. He was not
the first muslim to come to India. Centuries before him sufis had travelled
to and settled in one land. India's original link with Islam was through
a spiritual search -- the distinctive gift of India to the world. And
all faiths of Hindustan were included in being Hindu -- of the land. The first specification
and exclusion of Muslims from their native identity was during colonialism.
The British
came to India as a trading company, the East India Company. In 1756,
when they started to expand and occupy their trading post in Calcutta,
the Nawab of Bengal, Siraj-ud-daula, marched to Calcutta and defeated
the Garrison. In 1757, the
British, under Robert Clive, entered into a conspiracy with a group of
merchant bankers headed by Jagat Seth, to displace Siraj-ud-Daula and
have him replaced by general Mir Jafar, who promised the British huge
sums of money in return. A farcical battle was enacted at Plassey on
23rd June 1757, with Mir Jafar allowing the British troops
to wipe out Siraj's forces. This is how
the British rule in India was established through corruption and conspiracy,
just as global corporate rule today is being established through corruption
and conspiracy. With a trading
company becoming the colonial ruler, rules of governance had to be created.
Since unlike West Indies and North America where Native peoples were dispossessed
in favour of settlers from Europe, India's indigenous population was vast
and diverse. British rule was therefore based on first establishing the
difference between the British and the indigenous people, and then defining
what was indigenous. As Hastings
described his `plan' to the directors in 1772, the objective should be
to "adapt our Regulations to the Manners and Understanding of the
People, and the Exigencies of the Country, adhering as closely as we are
able to their ancient uses and Institutions". However, the
colonial powers reduced the diversity of cultures of India and multiplicity
of identities with the primary sense of culture and belonging, coming
from the land, the region. The colonisers created an artificial system
of law which had nothing to do with the plurality of India customary laws
and systems or the multiplicity of cultural identities in the Indian context.
Ecology and identity of place was destroyed, and in its place was imposed
essentialized immutable singular identities. Warren Hastings
reduced the India of thousands of cultures to a divided India of two mutually
exclusive artificially drafted cultures. He created a legal framework
for an apartheid based on false religious identity with which India is
still burdened. For laws regarding
marriage, inheritance and the like, Hastings wrote that the
Laws of the Koran with respect to Mahomedans, and those of the Shaster
with respect to the Gentoos [Hindus] shall be invariably adhered to'.
An Arab geographical
term "Hindu" was mutated by the British into a fictional religious
category "Gentoo". The tribals -- the Kols, the Bhils, the Hos,
the Nagas, the Mizos -- had all disappeared. The Sikhs, the Buddhists,
the Jains, the Zorastrians had all disappeared. The British had fought
against and displaced the Muslim rulers -- so they recognized the Muslim
category -- the rest of Indian diversity was lumped into one unreliable
category of "Gentoo", and a fiction of a "Code of Gentoo
laws" was created in a land in which religion arose from Dharma,
not texts and written laws. India's struggle
within herself today is in large part shaped by the seeds of conflict
sown by creating a false apartheid on a double fiction -- that India was
two, not thousands of cultures, and the customs and practices of two cultures
were defined not by the land, its geography, its plants, the regional
languages but by sectarian and separated codes of laws based on ancient
texts interpreted by patriarchal, fundamentalist religious elites. The
external, imperial definition of cultural identity created a mutation
from diversity to divided and separated monocultures, from lived and shared
identities derived from the land, to separated identities based on ancient
texts, not dynamically evolving cultures. Even today, for the ordinary
"Hindu", it is the teachings and songs of Kabir (1440-1518),
Mira Bai (1498-1550), Chaitanya (1486-1533) which are at the heart of
every day devotion -- And the devotional classical tradition of Dhrupad
is kept alive by a Muslim family -- the Dagars. The Sufi saints have
both Hindu and Muslim following as witnessed in Ajmer Sharif and Nizamuddin
Aulia. Islam in the Indian subcontinent was also Indianized. Consider
the case of India's leading Shehnai player, Ustad Bismillah Khan -- A
prime example of Indian secularism, Khan is as much a devout Muslim as
a worshipper of Goddess Saraswati. In fact, his guru and maternal uncle
Ali Bux was attached to the Vishwanath temple as a Shehnai player."
In the Bengali
Nabi-vamsa of the late sixteenth century, Hindu deities were interpreted
as Islamic Prophets. Religion in India was multiple and mixed, not monolith
and sectarian. The imposition of sectarian monolith structures violated
the pluralistic forms of indigenous practice, and also sowed the seeds
of violence and conflicts in later periods, including the contemporary
genocide in Gujarat, the unending crisis of Kashmir. The divide
and rule policies of the British colonial powers was intensified during
the anti-colonial period. A two nation theory was born -- resulting in
the partition in 1947, and the continuing "partitions" of our
times. These ideologies based violence and exclusion violate the philosophies
which emerged from the soil of Hindustan - philosophies of compassion
and mutual interdependence - philosophies which emerged from the soil
of Hindustan -- philosophies of compassion and mutual interdependence
philosophies which invoked "Let all being be happy" (Sarve Bhavantu
Sulemah) -- including in the circle of happiness and well being not just
all humans but also all species. The Indian mind had the capacity to
grasp the interdependence and indivisibility of all creation -- "Sohum"
-- I am thou". Tragically, in the name of defending "Bharteeyata",
our distinctive Indian capacity for non-dualism in thought is being replaced
by categories of western, dualistic, cartesean thought -- of mutual exclusiveness
- which in diverse and interwoven cultures like ours can only lead to
genocide and extermination to create monocultures. When Tagore
gave his speech "Tapovan" he contrasted western civilization
and its tendency towards monocultures to Indian thought and its reflection
of diversity and pluralism. Contemporary western civilization is built of brick and wood. It is rooted in the city. But Indian civilization has been distinctive in locating its source of regeneration, material and intellectual, in the forest, not the city. India's best ideas have come where man was in communion with trees and rivers and lakes, away from the crowds. The peace of the forest has helped the intellectual evolution of man. The culture of the forest has fuelled the culture of Indian society. The culture that has arisen from the forest has been influenced by the diverse processes of renewal of life which are always at play into the forest, varying from species to species, from season to season, in sight and sound and smell. The pluralism, thus became the principle of Indian civilization. Not being caged
in brick, wood and iron, Indian thinkers were surrounded by and linked
to the life of the forest. The living forest was for them their source
of food. The intimate relationship between human life and living nature
became the source of knowledge. Nature was not dead and inert in this
knowledge system. The experience of life in the forest made it adequately
clear that living nature was the source of light and air, of food and
water. If
there is any distinctive civilisational characteristic of Indianess, it
is what we used to until recently call the "Aranya Sanskriti".
However, Sanskriti derived from Prakriti is now being forgotten. "Forests
and rivers" are being destroyed. There is a war against tribals
who are trying to defend their right to land and forests, guaranteed under
schedule V of the Constitution. In Nagarnar, in Wynad and throughout
tribal areas, the last remnants of our Aranya Sanskriti are being wiped
out. The
new ideology of Hindutva is not Indian. It is moulded by imported western
Cartesian philosophy - it amounts colonisation of our minds by categories
of division separation and exclusion. It is doubly alien -- because it
has no place for nature, ecology, the land and is creating a fictitious
"culture" empty of its rooting in nature and the land. It is
also alien because it is replacing our capacity to live and think non-dualistically
with dualistic thought and politics which must spread the virus of violence.
That is why the "Hindutva" forces are targetting shrines of
mixed, non-exclusive worships -- Bhojshala in Madhya Pradesh, Ajmer Sharif
in Rajasthan and a Sufi Shrine in Karnataka. Reductionism,
exclusion, dualism, monocultures are not indigenous categories. They
are legacies of a historical colonialism and convenient constructions
for contemporary imperialism. When the "either-or" categories
of exclusion replace the rich "and" of diversity and pluralism,
war and violence becomes inevitable. Bush had said "You are either
with us or against us". Echoing the false polarisation of the emerging
empire, Pravin Togadia formerly a cancer specialist and now the General
Secretary of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad had said at the Dharam Sansad of
Feb 22-23, 2003, "Jo Ram ke saath nahin hai, who Babar ki aulaad
hai") If you are not with Ram, you are with Babar) (India Today,
march 10, 2003 p 29) Babar's
empire existed 500 years ago. Another empire is now being established.
Would not a focus on Bush rather than Babar be less anachronistic? Or
is the obsession with the past a deliberate diversion from the colonisation
of the present? There
is an opportunistic convergence between the rise of "Hindutva"
as an ideology of cultural exclusion and the rise of a new western imperialism
as the project of corporate globalization, based on economic exclusion.
Both assault our Indianness -- our Bharteeyata and aid and abet each other. At
the peak of the Gujarat massacre, when the forces of Hindutva were claiming
to defend our Indianness -- they were also selling off India, and her
resources, substituting laws and policies rooted in our land and our philosophy
and ethics with laws and policies that subvert the very core of India
and Indianness. The din of "Hindutva" drowned the selling
off of the life blood of India... her water, her biodiversity. Seeds,
which we have held sacred, and viewed as a common heritage were commodified.
Now genetically engineered seeds were commercialised. When we sow we
pray "let this seed be exhaustless". The new patent laws introduced
during 2002 allow seed to be owned as private property. It gives corporations
the right to treat saving and exchanging of seed by farmers as "intellectual
property theft" and a crime. Our "dharma" is being redefined
as illegal, it is being criminalized. And while the very foundation of
our culture is eroded, "cultural nationalism" is increasingly
talked about. New
patent laws and biodiversity laws also enable Biopiracy -- the patenting
of traditional indigenous knowledge, the patenting of our medicinal plants
and our seeds and crops. Conagra has an "atta" patent, Ricetec
took a Basmati patent, W.R. Grace took a neem patent. We view our biological
and intellectual heritage as the core of our Indianness our Bharateeyata.
Which India is "Hindutva" defending if as a result of patents
on indigenous knowledge, our Ayurvedic practitioners, can no longer practise
Ayurveda, holistic system of health science disappear and Ayurvedic medicines
are sold as the propriety medicine of giant pharmaceutical multinationals?
Which India is "Hindutva" defending if our mustard, our coconut,
our sesame are pushed to extinction, and with them the meaning of Basant
in the North, and the very meaning of Kerala (the land of Coconut) in
the South. Which culture do we leave our children if rob them of indigenous
food cultures and feed engineered `corn-soya" blend for mid-day meals? While
"Hindutva" as an ideology based on "cultural nationalism"
is being shaped our indigenous culture is being destroyed by globalization.
Our sacred rivers are being privatized and sold, damned and diverted.
We have venerated our rivers as mothers, we have prayed, O
Holy Mother Ganga, O Yamuna, O Godavari, O Saraswati, O Narmada, O Sindhu,
O Kaveri, may you all be pleased to manifest in these waters with which
I shall purify myself.
We had the power to link rivers to us in our consciousness, wherever we
were. In our consciousness
we linked our rivers to the bucket or "lota" of water we used
to wash, to bathe, to clean. Today in the much touted "river linking"
project, we are "linking rivers" through cement and separating
them from our ourselves our indigenous cultures and ecosystems. The technosphere
is replacing the ecosphere in which indigenous cultures evolved. The market
is replacing water rights and water duties. Precisely because
rivers and waters were sacred, we did not overuse and waste water. The
culture of "no limits", "no boundaries", "no
integrity" is now being imposed on our civilization. The culture
of water conservation that built johads, eris, talabs in the past and
water harvesting systems today is being displaced by the alien culture
of consumerism. The rights of communities are being substituted by rights
of corporations to commodify and privatize water. Private property rights
in water, biodiversity and knowledge are violative of the Indian ethos
and the customary, community rights of the Indian people. India is her
rivers and her biodiversity, her food systems and knowledge systems.
India does not survive if her rivers are diverted and killed, her waters
are privatized and commodified, her biodiversity is patented and either
pushed to extinction or transformed into toxic genetically engineered
plants, her farmers commit suicide because of debts and thousands die
of starvation. Our civilization is based on simplicity and the small scale
which are pre-conditions for ecological sustainability and economic justice.
Because as the Ishoupanishad reminds us, taking more than one needs is
theft of someone else's needs. Globalization is wiping out the sustainability
and beauty of simple living, replacing it with the violence and vulgarity
of consumerism and giganticism. The 2003 budget is largely a budget to
promote consumerism, not to relieve peasants of their debt burden or the
poor of their hunger. If there is
a real threat to our Indianness-- our Bharteeyata, it comes from corporate
globalization and the uncontrollable corporatisation, commodification
and consumerism which it unleashes in every sphere. It is the politics
of Swadeshi, not "Hindutva", which will defend and reclaim our
Indianness. It is through strengthening economic nationalism, not cultural
nationalism, that we will survive as a nation -- facing the dissipative
forces externally and internally. |
|
|||||||||||||